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Project Background While attending attending the Asociacion Nacional de Grupos Folklóricos (ANGF) conference in Veracruz, Veracruz , Jaguara director, Liz Gallego asked several
dance professors from the University of Veracruz and the
University of Vera Cruz in Xalapa where she might study the African traditions that gave birth to the Jarocho traditions of Vera Cruz. Each time she asked the question she was told, "All those traditions are lost." Upon her return to Texas, she continued her investigation. While surfing on the Internet one evening, she found Dr. Ezequiel
Mobley's website which featured an article on Yanga: the liberator of Veracruz. After contacting him, he recommended that she contact Sagrario Cruz-Carretero, an anthropologist at the University of Veracruz in Xalapa, who is an authority on Blacks in Mexico, Yanga, and Black Towns in Mexico. Dr. Cruz-Carretero suggested the music of Toña La Negra. When
the Cd arrive, Ms. Gallego was disappointed to learn the CD contained the music of Agustin Lara sung by Toña La Negra. By luck while attending a Q & A after a Ballet de Senegal concert in Dallas, Texas, Ms. Gallego learned that West Africans dancers and musicians had lost many of their musical traditions during a period of
nationalization. To reclaim lost traditions they had on occasion traveled to Brazil. So perhaps it could be possible to reclaim some of the lost African traditions of Vera Cruz. Central Question If it is true that the African rhythms are still present in the Jarocho music of today
then is it possible to traverse time and and space to identify and reclaim some of the lost African traditions that gave rise to the Jarocho traditions of Vera Cruz, Mexico?
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Guest Artist, S-Anhk Rasa
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In April 2004, S-Anhk Rasa and the Kumaasi African Ensemble were special guests at the Folklorico Festival of Texas sponsored by Texas Association for Hispanic Dance and Culture (TAHDC) and Molina High School. Following their impressive performance Ms. Gallego
asked S-Ankh if he would be interested in
assisting Ballet Folklorico Jaguara in a cultural investigation to study the West African rhythms that remain in the Jarocho music of Vera Cruz. It was not possible to study all Jarocho rhythms, so the group selected one traditional song, La Iguana. In January 2005, S-Ankh met with Jaguara. He listed to the group perform several dances acapella. The most prevalent African rhythm that he heard, was the rhythm of Kakilambe.
Although the Afro-Mexican rhythms and traditions of Eastern Mexico are known as Yanga (after an African hero see below), the Kakilambe rhythm is not from Yanga's country of origin, Gabon. Kakilambe is a rhythmic tradition of the Baga people of Guinea. African slaves from many ethnic groups passed through the seaport of Veracruz. |
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Photo from Rand African Art
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S-Anhk Rasa, April 2004
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Baga Women and Drums
Traditionally Baga women did not play the dun-dun or dejembes as shown above. Members of the Baga women’s association known as A-Tekan (ah-te-khan), played a drum called a-ndef (ah-endeaf) a large drum which required its player to stand. The drum in the shape of a woman was carved from a single piece of wood.
The drum symbolized female power. Initiation into A-Tekan and other institutions of female solidarity and cohesion was generally restricted to women who had bore children. The a-ndef was played at annual initiation ceremonies, as well as for funerals and marriages. While an A-Tekan officer played the a-ndef other female members sang, danced, and played other instruments.
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Dancer behind the basket she will place on her head
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Clay Water Vessels and Baskets
Baga women and children carried large clay water vessels and large rice-filled baskets on their heads. In was the practice in traditional Baga wedding ceremonies prior to the mid-20th century, for a bride to perform a dance with a basket on her head. As she danced, she would try to catch the gifts of money and rice grains
thrown by guests.
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Dancers performing La Bruja while balancing a glass of water.
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It was also the custom among the Indigenous women of Mexico to carry large jugs of water and other domestic loads balanced on their heads. The presence of this skill and practice in both the African and Indigenous cultures of Vera Cruz very likely influenced the development the tradition of balancing a glass of water on the head while
dancing or perhaps this is just a smaller remnant.
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Indigenous dancers placing basket on their heads
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photo http://campusapps.fullerton.edu |
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The Nimba Mask
The Kakilambe rhythm was sung to call the spirit of Nimba from the forest. The spirit of Nimba was symbolized by a massive mask representing the Goddess of fertility to the Baga people. Nimba is one of the most massive masks used in Sub-Saharan
Africa. The Nimba mask represented an abstraction of the Baga's ideal of the female in society. The flat, pendant breasts conveyed ideals of womanhood-- giving birth to many children and selflessly nurturing them to adulthood. The intricately braided hair on the mask is representative of the patterns of agriculture, the planting of fields, and
the nourishing the community. Nimba appeared at weddings, funerals, and harvest celebrations.
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Singers call to Nimba
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Nimba enters
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Head of family asks a question
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Kakilambe
The Kakilambe rhythm was not danced. The ritual that lasted several days was made possible by young men taking turns wearing the massive Nimba mask. The men played drums while the women sang, threw rice (symbol of fertility) and waved fans. Following the harvest the head of each family approached the spirit of Nimba
to ask one question of importance.
The young men wore a costume of bleached rafia reaching to the dancer's ankles. A hoop was worn under the rafia. A dark cloth was attached to Nimba's neck totally concealing the dancer to the crowd. The dancers could see through small holes pierced between the breasts. A traditional Nimba mask
was financially out of the question for Jaguara. We were graciously loaned an African mask (though not a Nimba mask) for the performances by one of our local merchants. There are many photographs of Nimba masks on the Internet. See references at end.
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Indigenous dancers enter representing the mixing of cultures. Spanish dance costumes were also to have been worn.
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During the colonial period, Spaniards used the word “jarocho” to refer to mulattos and to blacks in general. The term
meant “irreverent,” but the Veracruzanos have turned it into an assertion of pride. Today all persons from Veracruz use the moniker, Jarocho. Learn more about Mexico's African heritage.
www.smithsonianeducation.org/migrations/legacy/almthird.html
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African Slaves in Mexico
Historians vary in their estimates. It is believed that 250,000 and perhaps as many as 500,000 Africans were brought to colonial Mexico. In 1537, the first shiploads of slaves were hardly off the boat when a slave uprising occurred in Mexico City. At this time only about a fifth of Mexico was in under Spanish dominion.
During the 1540s there were two uprisings of Blacks near Mexico City. In the period between 1560-1580, Afromexicans who had fled the mines in Zacatecas kept the area in turmoil with raids on haciendas and roads. During this period, a group of Blacks escaped from the silver mines of Zacatecas and formed a union with the unconquered
Chichimec Indians northwest of the city. Together they waged a brutal war upon the settlers. Also in the late 1500s, slaves from the Pachuca mines rose up and fled the city. They found refuge in an inaccessible cave from which they conducted raids to steal cattle and other necessities.
Geography
The sugar plantations in coastal Vera Cruz produced great profits for the Spanish Empire. The slave masters employed
chains and other cruel measures to control the slaves. Nevertheless, the mountains behind the Vera Cruz lowlands became the home of fiercely independent marooned communities of both Black and Indigenous people. The mountain range rises to 12,500 feet on the south, to 18,300 at Mt. Orizaba and 14,000 ft. at Cofre de Perote in the
center. The 10,000 foot northern ridges are covered with jungle. This is where slaves and Indigenous natives hid away from the Spanish. A small city that had been part of the Aztec tributary state lay hidden in a small canyon. The Spaniards never discovered the city. The town remained occupied until the 1700s. The city's was not
discovered by the outside world 1994.
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Gaspar Vanga
In 1570, Gaspar Yanga lead a bloody slave rebellion in the sugar fields of Vera Cruz. Gaspar Yanga was believed to have been a Dinka descendant of a royal family from the African nation of Gabon. Yanga led the rebels into the
mountains, where they found an inaccessible locale where they could settle and create a small town of about 500 people. To secure provisions, the Yangans conducted raids upon the Spanish caravans bringing goods Veracruz. Yanga established relations with neighboring runaway slaves and Indians. For more than thirty years, Yanga
and his followers lived free. The growing community alarmed the Spanish. A royal war party left the city of Puebla in January of 1609 with the intent to crush Yanga.
In 1609, Yanga was an old man, "the revered ancient one." Yanga had General de la Matosa gather fighters for a defense. The General dressed in clothing
fitting a commander. He hoped to instill military decorum on troops which had little weaponry and nothing in the way of a military uniforms. Their combat had been guerrilla raids. Their army had a hundred fighters with firearms (some of which were old muskets
of the conquistadors) and an additional four hundred others prepared to fight with rocks, poles, machetes, and bows and arrows. The Spanish war party of 550 marched into the mountains with 100 troops, as well as a mix of adventurers looking for spoils, conscripted Mexicans including Indians and "mulatos."
Yanga must have considered a retreat further up into the wilderness. After living in the mountain for 39 years, Yanga had an intimate knowledge of the routes in and out of the ravines, around the 200 foot waterfalls, and through the forests of 150 foot high vine and fern covered trees. Yanga decided to make a show of force in
hopes of negotiating for peace. He considered that any free "homeland" would soon be
crammed with runaway slaves. Yanga, therefore offered the Spanish to return any new slaves who sought asylum in his free territory.
In early February 1609, word reached Yanga that the Spanish war party was near. Yanga sent a
captured Spanish prisoner to carry a message that offered the terms of a treaty and a warning that it would prove costly to take on the Yangans.
The Spanish rejected the treaty and a fierce engagement cost both sides heavy losses. The Yangans retreated through their settlement. The Spanish troops entered and burned the settlement. After considering the prospect of chasing the Yangans further up the mountains, the Spanish instead sent a priest to convince Yanga to
surrender. Yanga restated his terms: In return for a grant of farmable land and the right of self-government, he and his followers would return to the Crown authorities any of the slaves who, in the future, might flee to such a Black
refuge. In addition to their own town, the rebels wanted it in writing that all the slaves who had fled before 1608 should be free; that only Franciscan friars should attend to their people; and that Yanga should be their governor and that the succession should go to his descendants. The Spanish did not accept the treaty. Before he died,
Yanga would have in hand a treaty with the Spaniards that granted freedom to his followers and established their own "free town." Although the slave holders of the
sugar plantations were fiercely apposed, the Crown finally acceded to Yanga's petitions.
The news of the agreement
was greeted with great alarm among the Spanish residents of Mexico City. Slave owners considered the agreement a breech of private property rights. They wanted assurances that such a massive release of slaves would never happen again.
Rumors reached a boiling point on Easter week 1612. All parades and celebrations were canceled in fear that the activities would spark an uprising among the Afro-Mexicans. In the middle of the night on Easter a butcher paraded a pack of pigs into Mexico City. Something bothered the pigs. They began to squeal. Hysteria broke out as shutters
were flung open. Shouts were heard. The populace assumed the Blacks and mulatos were rising up. By mid-day 33 Blacks (29 men and 4 women) had been rounded up for execution. As the Blacks were paraded by the Spanish authorities to the gallows they were beaten by a hysterical mob. The mass hanging did not satisfy the mob. Tearing the bodies to pieces,
they placed
the heads and other body parts on poles which were left hanging until the authorities determined that the stench was too foul. The body parts were then buried.
Yanga had requested better farmland. His town was moved to better farm land in the lowlands. The Viceroy considered it preferable to have the Yangans live near the newly built military base than up in the mountains. Today the military base has become the city of Cordova. At the time of Mexican Independence
Yanga's town then known as San Lorenzo de los Negros, had 719 people. Today the city has a population over 20,000 residents. The majority of the people are from the highlands rather than from the Afro-Mexicans of the region. Nonetheless, since 1986 the city has celebrated its founder in an annual August "Festival of Negritude."
Yanga, National Hero
Five decades after Mexican independence, the work of Riva Palacio made Yanga into a national hero.Riva Palacio was the grandson of Vicente Guerrero, Mexico's first Black President. In the late 1860s he
studied the moldy Inquisition archives accounts of Yanga and of the Spanish expedition against him. His research brought Yang's story to the Mexican public in an anthology published in 1870. A separate pamphlet was published in 1873. Reprints followed, including an edition in 1997. Others have written about
Yanga, but none have matched Riva Palacio's flair in bringing images of proud fugitives who would not be conquered to life.
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Conclusion
While we cannot say definitively that Kakilambe gave raise to the rhythms in the song La Iguana. After learning to play the West African Kakilambe rhythm and after comparing it to the rhythm in La Iguana the similarity is obvious. We can conclude that the rhythm in Kakilambe and the
rhythm in La Iguana are indeed the same rhythm.
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S-Anhk Rasa, April 2004
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New Questions
1. Yanga was from Gabon. Are there rhythms from his native country present in the Jarocho music and dance of today?
•2. Why did an African music and dance tradition like in Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Honduras, Cuba and Puerto Rico not survive in Vera Cruz?
•3. String
instruments Jarana, guitar and harp dominate the Jarocho musical tradition. Why do string instruments dominate the Jarocho musical tradition instead of percussion instruments? Why is the percussion mainly performed by the dancers footwork? Did the Juba play a role in the development of Jarocho?
•4. It is documented that the siguiriyas are present in the Jarocho tradition. Is it possible to identify the siguiriyas rhythms which are said to have contributed to the development of Jarocho? 5.
•What role did the Spanish inquisition (persecution of the gypsies) play in the development of Jarocho?
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•6. Since the 1950’s flamenco has changed dramatically. The Jarocho footwork has very few flamenco characteristics? How has flamenco evolved since the 1500’s?
7. When I inquired on Yanga music I was told about Toña la Negra. What kind of music is played at the “Festival de Negritude?”
•8. Could a project of this type be developed on the elementary level or college/ university level?
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•9. Could a project of this type be developed by two different groups? An African group and a folklórico group or perhaps a dance group and a musical group?
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Benefits of the Project
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•Enhance multicultural understanding: I was repeatedly asked if I was concerned how the community would respond to a program celebrating Mexico's African heritage. The only negative
comments came from African American students who did not understand that Mexico also has an African inheritance. The students have repeatedly asked when they will get to do African drumming again.
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•Community involvement : Support from the Junior League of Dallas as well as from artist S-Anhk Rasa and the Kumassi African Ensemble.
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•Parental involvement : Parents came to the open dress rehearsal in the evening and to the performance during the day and to our tour of performances in the community
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•Interdisciplinary integrations–making connections across disciplines : the project covered percussion, reading, writing, history, government, geography, technology including (Internet, PowerPoint, video, photography)
Because of copyright many of the images which we found appealing could not be presented.
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•TAKS support—reading and writing.
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•FUN learning something new- In a survey taken on the first day of class, when asked why they had selected dance as an elective 90% of the students responded to learn something new. Playing percussion instruments was a
very satisfying experience. Students have inquired as to when they will have the opportunity to play drums again.
The project provided opportunities to work and play together. Friendships were formed that have continued past the project.
- Pride in Knowledge: When the group presented the Kakilambe Project at the Folklórico Festival of Texas, the maestros de Mexico did not understand the project. They were confused because they did not understand that both rhythms, the African and the Jarocho, were one and the same. The
students took pride in knowing they knew more on the subject than the professors from Mexico. They recognized they were authorities on the subject of the investigation.
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References
Abiodun, Rowland. "Woman in Yoruba religious Images"
Bodrogi, Tibor. "Art in Africa". Kossuth Printing House, Budapest: 1968
Boone, Sylvia Ardyn. "Radiance from the Waters". Yale U. Press, New Haven: 1986.
Brain, Robert. "Art and Society in Africa". Longman Group Limited, New York: 1980.
Cruz_Carretero Sagrario. The University of Veracruz, Xalapa Email communication.
Drewal, Henry. "Art and the Perception of Women in Yoruba Culture"
Drewal, Henry and Drewal, Margatet T. "Gelede". Indiana U. Press, Bloomington: 1983.
Hersak, Dunja. "Face of the Spirits". Snoeck, Antwerp: 1993
Kubik, Gerhard. "African Arts". Summer 1995.
Lamp, Frederick. "Diamond of the Month". Baltimore Museum of Art, Baltimore: Feb 1989.
Mobley, Ezequiel, http://www.pctv21.org/programs.htm as well as Email communication.
Perrois, Louis, "Ancestral Art of Gabon". Musee Barbier-Mueller, Switzerland:1987.
Ray, Benjamin. "Afican Art: Aesthetics and Meaning"
Sieber and Walker, "Afican Art in the Cycle of Life". Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC: 1987
Walker, Roslyn. "African Women/African Art". African American Inst., New York: 1976.
Woodward, Richard B. "African Art: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts". Carter Prining Inc., Richmond: 1994.
http://www.randafricanart.com/Baga.html
http://www.artfromafrica.com/baganimba.html
www.kuveni.de/vox7.htm
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Special Thanks to Bruce Davis, Denton, Texas for the photographic images of the Kakilambe Production, April 2005.
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